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Posted by rwandaonline on April 2, 2009

President of Rwanda Kagame

President of Rwanda Kagame


I have been keenly following talks on allegations of crimes committed by Paul Kagame, leader of Rwanda, and 


My name is Aloys Ruyenzi, I was born on 1st March 1971 in Mbarara, Uganda of Rwandan refugee parents. I grew up in Uganda and I joined the National Resistance Army of Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni in 1987. I had a six-month course in Basic Military Training, after which I attended a six-month course in military intelligence. After the training, I was posted in the 23rd battalion based in northern Uganda, as intelligence staff. A year later, I was called back to Kampala and posted at the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), where Kagame was a senior officer. While in DMI, I was selected for another course called “the Intelligence and Self-Defence”. When I fled the country, I was working in the Republican Guard, an RPA (Rwanda Patriotic Army) special unit that provides elements for the Presidential Protection Unit. I was Second Lieutenant and my army number was OP1460.

I joined RPA since its creation

When the Rwandan Patriotic Front attacked Rwanda on 1st October 1990, I was among the fighters. First I was with the 4th battalion operating in the Akagera National Park, until we were pushed back to Uganda and started guerrilla warfare. I then joined the then LIMA Combined Mobile Force, from where I eventually joined the High Command Unit. This is equivalent to army headquarters in a regular army. However unlike the latter the unit’s main duty was to escort Major Kagame, then RPA boss. I first was in the missile unit, before being appointed in the escort of Kagame.

1.            When I joined the escort, I resumed my duties as intelligence officer. I would be most of the time close to Kagame as a member of the close bodyguards’ team. In this capacity, I hardly missed any detail of what he would say or instruct to be done. Hence, my testimony is not a piece of hearsays, but a testimony of an eyewitness.

2.            After the take over of government by RPF, I once again attended courses in military intelligence and Protection of VIPs. I took up duties as a presidential bodyguard. When the invasion of Zaire started, I was sent there as one of the confidants of Kagame to follow and give detailed account of any military operation that took place. This was in a bid to make sure that he did not miss any detail by sending his own escorts. The crimes that I witnessed there are so much that I cannot detail them here. I was there on special assignment as member of the Republican Guards unit. I will do it in a different paper once I have time. What I can simply say for the time being is that a lot of crimes that were committed by the RPA were ordered by Kagame.

3.            People were killed on a very large scale on orders of Kagame and officers who did not carry out orders to kill were either relieved of their duties or disappeared. Kagame does not tolerate anybody disobeying his orders. Similarly, during the time the RPA was fighting the so-called “infiltrators” in northern Rwanda in Ruhengeri and Gisenyi, many unarmed Hutu civilians were killed in what looked like a true ethnic cleansing. I opposed those atrocities, until I was labelled as an enemy collaborator.

Reasons for fleeing the country I love so much and I fought for

1.            As I said earlier, I joined and served RPA[1][1] since its creation. When I joined it, I sincerely believed that I was struggling to end injustice towards our brothers, our parents and our motherland, and eventually to return home. In any case, this is what we were told. I never envisaged that our return would lead to killings and expulsion of the population we found inside the country. To my dismay, I realised that our leader and current President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame had a hidden agenda. To make matters worse, he would not tolerate any dissenting voice and opposing his orders could even lead to disappearance.

2.            I had the misfortune of working in his escort, where the climate is abominable. There is a permanent climate of terror and mistrust, as everybody spies on everybody else. I was intelligence officer, but I knew very well that I was myself being spied on.

3.            The intelligence officers do not carry out ordinary military intelligence work they are paid for. They are a squad of criminals that was set up by Kagame for his own ends. Its sole mission is killings opponents and other unwanted elements, so as to consolidate his murderous regime. It is therefore very difficult to work with him, more so as intelligence officer without adhering to his criminal policies. My aim now is that before I am eliminated I want make public a list of assassinations ordered personally by Kagame. The list is indeed very long.

4.            I defected because I was realising that we were becoming a gang of killers. I could not stomach that situation which was contrary to what we fought for, that it is fighting for restoring a rule of law.

5.            But it took time before I could flee for fear of being arrested and killed as a deserter. I feared being killed by the butt of a used hoe agafuni. The latter is the acronym given to the part of a hoe that RPA used to smash heads of people condemned to death. It is very sad that I kept on working deliberately with a man whose criminal records are so horrendous.

6.            The opposition to atrocities planned and ordered by Kagame landed me in trouble as this was considered as tantamount to treason. In fact I was being suspected of possible treasonable acts. I was eventually trailed and attempts were made over my life. I was by now labelled as one of the so-called “negative forces”. This was a label given to Interahamwe militia living in Zaire. I was even accused of having released Interahamwe in Nkamira-Gisenyi and put under arrest. This was mere fabrication. Not only there is no Interahamwe prison there, but also I never released anybody with evidence that he was involved in killings. There is no way I could show mercy to such people. I will emphasize here that I do not refer to those innocent Hutus who were labelled Interahamwe because simply by virtue of being Hutus.

7.            By the time I worked with the Gendarmerie, people who were detained there were suspected of common law crimes mostly related to land and cattle disputes. I was unfairly arrested on 8th June 1999. Those who arrested me eventually got ashamed and I was released and allowed to resume my duties in the escort of Kagame.

My escape from many traps

1.            After allegations of conniving with the enemy were levelled against me simply because I did not support killings innocent people, attempts were made to get rid of me in ambushes. The first time I survived an ambush was in Gisenyi on my way to Kabaya thanks to a friend who had warned me. It was on 13th April 1999.

2.            I did also escape narrowly a second attempt on my life, but my escort perished. One was called James Kabera, a private soldier, the other one was Hodari, a Mugogwe (a local ethnic Tutsi group of Gisenyi). It was on 15th May 2001. I was again going to Gisenyi on special assignment. I was ambushed in the mountains of Buranga in Ruhengeri. This time around, I had not been warned at all, as I could not imagine that I could be ambushed while on such a mission. I did not understand why I had been selected for the mission but even if I had known, I could not refuse the order. A vehicle trailed me right from Kigali and kept on indicating my position. The Toyota Land cruiser vehicle that I was in was sprayed with bullets and two of my escort were killed on the spot. I don’t know how I survived.

3.            The last attempt on my life was on 18th November 2001. This had been assigned to two groups to ensure that I don’t escape anymore. One of the people involved felt bad and told me to flee, as he did not have any quarrel with me. The same day I fled to Uganda.

4.            I was first kept under tight surveillance, under CMI (Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence) custody purportedly for my own security. When they gathered enough information and confirmed that I was a genuine asylum seeker, I was allowed to go out and look for shelter. I realised that I could not remain in Uganda, as Rwandan intelligence services there are even more active that Ugandan own services. Many Rwandan asylum seekers were picked there and sneaked back to Rwanda where they were tortured and killed. This is why I decided to go far from Rwanda in my quest for asylum. I am now in a place where I can denounce the atrocities committed by General Paul Kagame and his henchmen. I insisted on giving all these details in order to explain the difficulties faced by an RPA soldier who does not support what Kagame wants. I am hoping that slowly by slowly, the tendency of considering all Tutsi officers as killers will vanish in the minds of many people.

General Kagame did a lot of atrocities, he must answer for them

A.    Kagame’s record.

1.            General Kagame is of quite a very bad character. He is extremely nervous, so much so that at time he can crash everything on his way and ransack a whole house. He does not tolerate any dissenting voice, what he says is gospel truth. I worked with him for a long time. He does not tolerate any advice and is trigger-happy. Once one of his close allies simply tells him that you are suspected of disloyalty, this is enough to warrant your death.

2.            Kagame can spend a whole month without smiling. He can spend sleepless night abusing people and roughing them up. He does not spare anybody, he beats people at random. Anybody summoned at his home starts shaking excepts henchmen like Major general James Kabarebe. Other officers up to the rank of colonel like Ndugutse could be beaten to our disgust. He is a bloodthirsty person. When I worked with him, he would go very early in the morning to visit detention places of DMI[2][2] to sometime supervise killing. I recall once in Muhura when we were fighting to capture Kigali, he personally went on a 12.7mm AAC (anti air craft) mounted on a jeep of his escort and sprayed bullets on a peaceful market crowd of peasants gathered on a market place. It was in 1994. He then ordered his soldiers to use all available weapons and shell the market. It is very saddening to see a leader getting involved in massacring people in a market, while sarcastically laughing. The few times you will ever see him smiling is mainly when he is killing or seeing people killed.

General Paul Kagame supervises the smallest detail of everything going on in the army. He even follows conversations between soldiers on military patrols on their walkie-talkie radios.

1.            Every morning, he summons his signal officer and reads through all operations and routine army messages, to make sure that he does not miss anything. He uses to short circuit his military commanding officers by giving direct orders to field commanders without passing through the chain of command. Here I simply want to stress that there is nothing he can pretend to ignore. Nothing can take place within RPA without his knowledge. Apart from very isolated incidents carried out by petty criminals, all atrocities committed by the army in operational areas are sanctioned by him. The officers detained for so-called operational blunders are in actual facts detained because they did not kill the way he wants. They are not in remand for killing civilians, but for not concealing their bodies. For him that is a crime. The one who manages to kill the maximum and clear all the evidence will surely be promoted.

2.            Major general Paul Kagame manages Rwandan army as his own militiamen. The whole army has become a wide intelligence network. When there are officially 5 intelligence officers, you can rest assured that there are another 20 under cover. There is no clear chain of command in the intelligence network, everybody spies on everybody else and reports to Major General Paul Kagame in person. Kagame is a very rough and security cautious person. He has got a network of criminals who are by this virtue untouchable. They are ready to carry out any dirty mission that Kagame assigns them. Those people are so deadly that nobody dares flee the country because they may be tracked anywhere and be killed. Kagame does not fear anybody. He does not care even about his health. He sleeps at 2.30 am and wakes up at 4.00 am. He does what he wants, when he wants. He is very stubborn and arrogant. He does not hesitate to call his entourage stupid people because he thinks that he is the cleverest man. He does not trust anybody and is very unpredictable.

B. Some of the crimes he committed or ordered

1.            Major general Paul Kagame personally ordered the shooting down of President Juvénal Habyarimana’s plane.

2.            I got astonished when I heard him denying it. I equally got surprised by Rwandan Radio and some international media manoeuvre to absolve him of that act. I heard even civilian people like Minister Charles Muligande, trying to explain how militarily it was impossible.

25.  25. Let me make it crystal clear, I attended the last meeting where the plan was hatched. I was there physically and I even know the names of those who carried out the shooting. I was working with them in the High Command unit. It is Lt Frank Nziza and cpl Eric Hakizimana.

1.            It is not hearsays; I was present when the meeting took place. That was on 31st March 1994 from 2.30pm to 3.30pm.The Chairman of the meeting was Major general Paul Kagame, and the following officers were present: Col Kayumba Nyamwasa, Col Théoneste Lizinde, Lt Col James Kabarebe, Major Jacob Tumwine, Captain Charles Karamba. I heard P. Kagame asking Col. Lizinde to report about his investigations and I have seen Col Lizinde giving to Paul Kagame a map of the selected place for the plane shooting etc. I don’t want to jeopardise the investigation, because I would be playing around with criminals who would take the opportunity to prepare their defence. But I simply want to say that I am ready to give evidence in court, should my testimony be needed. I would then say the whole truth, if I were still alive.

C.     Major general Paul Kagame gave orders to kill civilians.

1.            He ordered at numerous occasions to kill as many civilians as possible. This took place in many areas in Byumba, Ruhengeri and elsewhere, and long before the Tutsi genocide. I say so because some people think that RPA killed in reprisal after the genocide. Even during the genocide, I saw and heard on several occasions major general Paul Kagame giving orders to kill civilians, especially in Mutara, Byumba and Kibungo. He would enjoy it like a football fan watching a football game and cheering his team. At time, he even used his escort or selected DMI operatives to kill civilians.

28.  28. Before the plan to get rid of Juvénal Habyarimana was hatched, meeting had been going on to prepare the final assault on Kigali. This had been the ultimate goal whatever the outcome of the negotiations. At that time, I was acting I.O for then Lt Silas Udahemuka (currently strong man in Kigali), who had got involved in an accident. In this capacity, I could attend all the meetings of the High Command. In one of the meetings, major general Paul Kagame ordered that civilians be lured into attending a public rally under the pretext of emergency food supply or security meetings, in order to round them up and eliminate them. And this happened the way it had been planned. The reality is that mass killings of people took place under his orders. Furthermore, he had a special hatred against religious people. Whenever the latter would be spotted and rounded up, local commanders would always ask major General Kagame what to do. Invariably, he ordered for their killings. I am even aware of the talks he had with Lieutenant colonel Fred Ibingira before the bishops were killed in Kabgayi. Similar incidents happened in Rwesero. The execution squad took the priests to Karushya and killed them.

D.The sparking off of the Tutsi genocide. I was in charge of collecting and analysing intelligence from our sources inside Rwanda.

All the reports were unanimously stating that Tutsi would be wiped out if the war resumed. Any pretext would be enough to kick off the killings. Major general Paul Kagame did not care at all about those threats. Recently, when one of former RPA officers who deserted and fled the country said that RPA was to blame for the killing of Tutsi, Rwandan foreign affairs minister, Charles Muligande attempted against all odds to refute it. Why does he so pathetically tell lies? It will suffice to recall that Kagame himself used to say that Tutsi living inside Rwanda were opportunists and reactionary elements that had refused to flee. Their death was none of his concerns. In fact, all the forces that were used to kill innocent civilians in liberated areas would have been used to rescue Tutsi. This did not happen. God willing, I will, jointly with other colleagues, compile a comprehensive report about ethnic cleansing that was ordered by Kagame. At times, he did it personally. I saw him personally instructing for the digging of mass graves for people who had been massacred in Byumba, Muhura and Murambi. Later, he ordered their removal and to be taken to crematory centres in Gabiro, Nasho, Masaka, Nyungwe, Kami, Gitarama military barracks and Mukamira. At times, people would be packed alive into lorries and be taken directly to the above place to be executed on the spot.

Apart from the war of 1990-1994, he launched two bloody wars in Zaire and is still disturbing that country.

Major general Paul Kagame also instructed his officers and men led by then Col Kayumba Nyamwasa to massacre civilians in Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. I saw personally heavy artillery pieces and helicopter gunship shelling villages under the excuse of fighting insurgency. At time, no single infiltrators would have set foot there, or they may have been there but left long before the counterattack. People would be summarily executed after long suffering by torture.

32.  32. He did not spare his own tribes mates Tutsi. Bagogwe and Banyamulenge of Zaire were killed to safeguard his own selfish interests. It is not easy to find the right wording, but what he did is indescribable. He killed so many Congolese of Rwandan origin, Hutu and Tutsi alike. This will also be detailed later. We were Inkotanyi-members of RPA, we know all the elements who were misguided into getting involved in crimes. People should be assured that soon or later, all crimes that took place on the Rwandan soil will be accounted for. It will serve as a lesson for many, for one may conceal a crime, but the crime does not conceal itself.

33.  33. I take this opportunity to call upon all Rwandan fighting the general Kagame’s regime, to avoid getting involved in any activities that would lead to shedding the blood of innocent people. Kagame concealed his crimes for nearly 10 years, but time has come to expose him. All criminals will end up being taken to court to answer for their deeds. Why do they take the risk of being arrested one day and spend the rest of their lives in prison?

E.The refusal to rescue Tutsi in 1994

34.  34. I cannot forget the pain that general Kagame inflicted to Rwandan of Tutsi ethnic group, his own tribe mates. Some were even killed on his orders. Others were deliberately left at the mercy of Interahamwe. He made sure that nobody comes to their rescue. Up-to-date, he is still pursuing his policy by repeating in Congo what he did in Rwanda. Why is he busy creating hatred between Banyamulenge minority and the rest of the Congolese population? Is it for the interest of Tutsis? Even in Rwanda, he does not spare anything to exacerbate tension between ethnic groups, by his policy of forced reconciliation. What he does will inevitably lead to a new wave of ethnic conflict and Tutsi will again be the main victims. I hereby condemn it publicly, I urge him to stop forthwith killing us, causing us to be killed and using us as political springboard. I urge him to leave our country and the region in peace. As I promised, with the help of courageous colleagues who managed to flee his death squads, we shall compile a comprehensive report of all atrocities General Paul Kagame was involved in. I deliberately refrained from talking about politics. I leave it to others more competent to denounce his dictatorship.

I know very well that people will ask themselves why a Tutsi who came from Uganda for that matter can leak such secrets, as people think that all former Ugandan refugees are all in good books with the regime of general Kagame.

For me, I am not leaking secrets, I am denouncing crimes. There are many people who are longing to do so, but who cannot because they don’t have the opportunity. For to say such thing inside Rwanda or anywhere in Africa would put somebody’s life in great danger. I spoke out because I have a chance of being in a country where I feel safe. I don’t rule out reprisals against my family left in Rwanda, but I am doing it anyway to avoid more suffering for all Rwandans. My prayer is that the international community at long last takes the opportunity to put an end to its support to general Kagame’s regime, which is decimating people under the pretext of protecting Tutsi. Everything is done for his own interest. , 05/07/2004 2nd  Lt Aloys RUYENZI




El mes de juliol d’enguany es produïa un segon testimoni en la mateixa línia que el d’Abdul Ruzibiza. Aloys Ruyenzi, un altre exmilitar de l’FPR que també havia fugit a Uganda per por a ser assassinat pels caps del seu exèrcit que havia , igual que Abdul, ha escapat de diferents atemptats contra la seva vida des del moment que l’actual règim ruandès el va considerar poc fidel. Ara els dos, gràcies al treball de la Fundació s’Olivar, han pogut arribar a un país europeu on estan més segurs, i per això han pogut donar el seu testimoni    


Quan el Front Patriòtic Ruandès (FPR) va atacar Rwanda, l’1 d’octubre de 1990, jo era entre els combatents. Formava part d’una unitat encarregada d’escortar el comandant Kagame, aleshores cap de l’Exèrcit Patriòtic Ruandès (APR). Pocs detalls se’m van escapar del que ell va dir o de les ordres que va donar. Són tants els crims que he presenciat que no els puc mencionar aquí. Sota les ordres de Kagame, s’ha assassinat gent a gran escala. Mentre l’FPR combatia els anomenats infiltrats al nord-oest de Rwanda, molts civils hutus desarmats van ser assassinats en el que pot ser considerat com una veritable neteja ètnica. Vaig ingressar a l’APR perquè creia sincerament que lluitaria per acabar amb la injustícia cap als nostres germans i eventualment tornar a casa. Mai vaig imaginar que el nostre retorn portaria a l’assassinat i expulsió de la població de l’interior del país. Per a la meva consternació, em vaig adonar que el nostre líder i actual president de Rwanda, Paul Kagame, té una agenda oculta.

Hi ha un comando d’oficials d’intel·ligència establerts per Kagame per als seus propis fins. La seva única missió és assassinar els oponents i altres elements indesitjats a fi de consolidar el seu règim sanguinari. Ara el meu objectiu, abans que em puguin eliminar, és de publicar una llista dels assassinats ordenats personalment per Kagame. La llista és certament molt llarga.

El general Kagame té un caràcter molt dolent. És extremadament nerviós. No tolera cap veu dissident. N’hi ha prou que un dels seus sequaços li digui que ets sospitós de deslleialtat perquè ordeni la teva mort. Kagame pot passar un mes sencer sense riure. És un home assedegat de sang. Quan jo treballava amb ell, anava molt d’hora al matí a veure els llocs de detenció on a vegades supervisava els assassinats. Me’n recordo una vegada a Muhura, quan combatíem per prendre Kigali, que va venir personalment en un jeep i la seva escorta i va disparar contra el pacífic mercat ple de pagesos.Va ordenar als seus soldats de fer servir tota mena d’armes i massacrar la gent del mercat.

 No se li escapa res del que passa a l’interior de l’APR. A part d’alguns incidents insignificants, totes les atrocitats comeses per l’exèrcit en zones operacionals són sancionades per ell. Els oficials detinguts per les anomenades operacions fracassades, de fet estan detinguts perquè no van matar de la manera que ell volia. No estan empresonats per matar civils, sinó per no amagar els seus cossos. Per a ell, això és un crim. El que aconsegueix matar el màxim i netejar tota evidència ben segur que serà promocionat.

 Kagame no té por de ningú. No es preocupa per la seva salut. Se’n va a dormir a quarts de dues de la nit i es lleva a les quatre. Fa el que vol i quan vol. És molt tossut i arrogant. No dubta a titllar la gent del seu voltant de gent estúpida perquè ell es creu que és molt llest. No confia en ningú i és molt imprevisible.

Va ordenar moltes vegades de matar tants civils com fos possible. Això va passar en llocs com Byumba, Ruhengeri i altres llocs, i molt abans del genocidi contra els tutsis. Ho dic perquè hi ha gent que es pensa que l’APR va matar com a venjança després del genocidi. Fins i tot durant el genocidi vaig veure i sentir moltes vegades al general Kagame donant ordres de matar civils, especialment a Mutara, Byumba i Kibungo.

Kagame havia dit que els tutsis que vivien a l’interior del país eren uns elements oportunistes i reaccionaris que no havien volgut fugir. La seva mort no el preocupava. De fet, totes les forces que es van fer servir per matar civils innocents a les zones alliberades, podien haver servit per alliberar els tutsis. Això no va passar.

His attempts against all odds to deny them. I deem it necessary to inform Rwandans and the international community at large of the crimes I witnessed in the hope that he would stop deceiving people. It took quite a long time before I decided to make public this statement because I was in Uganda, where Kagame has a lot of covert agents who would have eliminated me. I know him very well because I worked with him in the Rwandese Patriotic Army since its creation. More so, I served in his escort for nearly 10 years, until I fled the country.





Posted in Rwanda Politics | 4 Comments »


Posted by rwandaonline on March 27, 2009

The Great Rwanda “Genocide Coverup by UN”

By Prof Peter Erlinder


Multiple “War Crimes” Warrants Issued for Rwanda ’s Leaders

Just last week, a Spanish Judge issued 40 international warrants for current and former members of Kagame’s government, including senior staff at Rwanda ’s Washington Embassy. The warrants charge Kagame’s clique with war-crimes and crimes against humanity, that may even fit the definition of “genocide.” But, these are not the only international arrest warrants issued for Rwanda’s current leaders.

French Judge Bruguiere (famous for indicting “the Jackal”) has also issued international warrants against nearly a dozen members of Kagame’s inner circle, too. Bruguiere also met with Kofi Annan in late 2006 to personally urge the U.N. Rwanda Tribunal to prosecute Kagame for the assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana, the war-crime that re-ignited the four-year Rwanda War and the massive civilian killings in the war’s final 90-days.

Could it be that no-one in the Bush Administration was aware of these pending charges against their Rwandan hosts….or is it that they just don’t care? In either case, the French and Spanish international arrest warrants have pierced the wall of U.S./UK/Rwandan propaganda about who bears responsible for the massive tragedy that unfolded in Rwanda …but the “official story” has actually been unraveling for some time (although largely un-reported in the U.S. media).

Chief UN Prosecutor del Ponte in 2003: “ Rwanda ’s Leaders Guilty of War Crimes”

In the summer of 2003, Chief Prosecutor for the United Nations International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda (ICTR), Carla del Ponte, publicly announced that she would soon begin prosecuting members of Kagame’s Government for the same kinds of crimes charged in the French and Spanish warrants. But, nearly 5 years later not one case has been filed against one member of Kagame’s government, nor against Kagame himself.

The del Ponte announced prosecutions did not go forward because she was replaced, within 90-days of her announcement, by Abubacar Jallow, a US/UK-approved Prosecutor who pledged not to prosecute on Kagame’s side….no matter what the del Ponte and the European judges’ findings! Prosecutor del Ponte’s long-time press-aide, Florence Hartmann, published a book in Paris in September 2007, that explains exactly how del Ponte was replaced.

Chief UN Prosecutor del Ponte was called to Washington just after her 2003 announcement and threatened with removal from office by Bush’ “war-crimes ambassador”, Pierre Prosper, because of the political quid pro quo between Washington and the Kagame regime that is spelled out in detail in the book. (Ironically, Prosper was a former ICTR prosecutor under del Ponte, and must have had access to the same information motivated her announcement) . When she refused to ignore her UN-mandate, to prosecute all crimes committed during the 1994 Rwanda War, she was sacked by the U.S. and U.K. [2]

ICTR Chief Investigator in 1997: “ Rwanda ’s Kagame Assassinated Previous President”

But this is not the first time that crimes of Kagame have been “covered-up” at the ICTR. According to sworn affidavits placed in the ICTR record in early 2006, more than 10 years ago, ICTR Lead Investigative Prosecutor, well-respected Australian QC Michael Hourigan, recommended that Kagame, himself, be prosecuted for the assassination of Habyarimana. But, in 1997, then-Chief UN Prosecutor Louise Arbour of Canada ordered him to drop the Kagame investigation; to forget it ever happened; and, to burn his notes ! Hourigan resigned rather than comply and copies of his original notes are now part of the ICTR public record for all to see. [3]

The “ Rwanda Genocide” Cover-up on Clinton ’s Watch

The Hourigan affidavit makes clear that the “Rwanda Genocide”– Cover-up has been going on for at least a decade…but the reasons for the cover-up did not become clear until late 2007, when a senior Clinton Administration diplomat, Brian Atwood, was confronted with UN documents describing a 1994 “cover-up” meeting with the Rwandan Foreign Minister in Kigali and the UN’s Kofi Annan. According to the UN documents, U.S.-sponsored human rights reports by investigator, Robert Gersony, had documented massive military-style executions of civilians by Kagame’s troops, during and after the final 90-days of the four-year Rwanda War. [4]

The former Rwandan Foreign Minister at the meeting, Jean Marie Ndagiyimana, testified at the ICTR that, rather than participate in the proposed “cover-up,” he resigned and went into exile where he remains today. His ICTR testimony confirmed that Clinton’s USAID Chief for Africa, Brian Atwood, and the chief of the UN Department of Peace Keeping Operations Kofi Annan, were both in his office in late October 1994 urging him to assist in the “cover-up” the war-crimes committed by Kagame’s forces. [5]

The “Inconvenient Truth” Behind the Cover-up : Pentagon Complicity in the 1994 Rwanda War

The damning “Gersony Report” included first-hand evidence of tens of thousands of civilians being massacred by Kagame’s troops in eastern Rwanda, later confirmed by similar reports by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. The U.N. Document (also in the ICTR record) says that Annan told the Foreign Minister that public knowledge of the Report would be “embarrassing to the UN” and the U.S. Former Clinton-diplomat, Brian Atwood, not only confirmed he was at the meeting, but explained that he had engaged Gersony, and that Gersony’s findings of war-crimes being committed by Kagame were “…an inconvenient truth” for both the United States and the UN.

According to Atwood, unknown to the State Department, “the Pentagon had been supporting Kagame since before the 1990 invasion, when he was the head of Military Intelligence for the Museveni government of Uganda.” The “Gersony Report” tied the Pentagon to the crimes of Kagame’s invading, Pentagon-trained and funded forces.

More UN documents in the ICTR record reveal that the State Department was negotiating for a peaceful settlement of the war at the same time the Pentagon was supporting Kagame’s invasion. The Clinton Administration to enlisted Atwood and Kofi Annan in keeping evidence of Kagame’s crimes from ever seeing the light of day, to prevent Pentagon involvement in the “Rwandan Genocide” from ever coming to light. [6]

The existence of a separate Pentagon foreign policy on Rwanda also tallies with the ICTR testimony of former Ambassador Robert Flaten, who testified that he seriously doubted that Habyarimana’s supporters planned to kill civilians on a massive scale because the CIA and other intelligence agencies would have reported it when he was in Rwanda from 1990 to late 93. [7] He said that his requests for Pentagon-DIA spy satellite photographs showing the progress of the war in the countryside were turned down because of “clouds over Rwanda,” during his entire 3-plus years in Rwanda. [8] He also noted that support from Uganda for the 1990 Kagame invasion coincided with increased Ugandan military funding by the U.S./U.K. Flaten also testified that he personally warned Kagame that “he would be responsible for massacres like just happened in Burundi, if Kagame broke the cease-fire and re-started that war.

In short, the evidence that now is in the public record shows that during the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, the Pentagon could have stopped the carnage with a phone call….and the State Department apparently did not know enough about the Pentagon’s close ties to Kagame to ask them to do so, at least until USAID’s Atwood was informed of Pentagon reaction to the “Gersony Report,” in the summer of 1994.

Other de-classified State Department documents show that it was the invading Kagame forces that were the aggressors, and were blocking the State Departments efforts to implement the Arusha Accords, peace agreement. [9] The UN’s General Dallaire has testified that Kagame would not agree to a ceasefire to use troops to stop the massacres because “he was winning the war.” [10] And, now we know what Dallaire may not have known, until later…Kagame was winning with the Pentagon’s help.

The Great “Rwanda Genocide” Cover-up Continues under Bush

The “Rwanda Genocide” – Cover-up of Pentagon complicity in Kagame’s crimes is almost complete, as the U.S. cuts Rwanda Tribunal funding to shut it down by the end of 2008. Carla del Ponte’s replacement, Abubacar Jallow, will be conveniently unable to carry out the prosecutions that del Ponte urged in 2003, or those initiated by Judge Bruguiere in 2006, or Judge Ag____, just last week.

However, the international warrants are still in effect, the del Ponte book and Hourigan’s affidavit have begun to unravel the whole sordid manipulation… .but, unless the “Rwanda Genocide” Cover-up makes it onto Page One in Europe and North America, it may be too late for the ICTR detainees….who are being held responsible for the crimes of the Kagame regime, a bit like the UN holding the Japanese responsible for Hiroshima and the Germans for the fire-bombing of Dresden.

With U.S. and U.K. support, Kagame’s government is actively campaigning to have all ICTR matters transferred to Rwanda and has issued 40,000 warrants for Kagame’s Hutu and Tutsi opponents in the worldwide Rwandan diaspora. (A movement that includes such as figures Paul Rusesabagina, the real hero of the Hotel Rwanda).

Correcting the Historical Record and Ending the Cover-up

But, I have to disclose my own bias because, under the laws of Rwanda , I too am a criminal “negationist” for writing this essay and President Kagame has personally denounced me as a “genocidaire” for my work as an ICTR defense lawyer. My former investigator is seeking asylum in Europe and the ICTR Prosecutor who replaced Carla del Ponte is now prosecuting defense investigator for asking too many questions in Rwanda, but denounced Judge Bruguiere’s request for the UN to prosecute Kagame and Spanish Judge Abreau, as well.

An ICTR defense lawyer, like me, has to hope that, despite all that is now known about the manipulations of the ICTR by the U.S. and U.K. for their own political purposes, the ICTR Judges will not be influenced by the sacking of del Ponte and that they will carefully evaluate the evidence in my client’s case….but it is hard to be too optimistic.

At least my conscience is clear, now that the Great “Rwanda Genocide”— Cover-up has been exposed. But, I wonder if the Judges, Prosecutors, other UN-ICTR officials (who now know about the manipulation of their best efforts) will be able to say the same, if they allow the ICTR “Rwanda Genocide”- Cover-up to continue?

During the week’s festivities in Rwanda, the Presidents Bush and Kagame are sure to find much in common, as would Tony Blair, who has recently signed-on as an “unpaid”-advisor to Kagame. All three stand accused of war crimes, and are mutually benefiting from the US/UK/Rwandan “cover-up” of their own complicity in the “Rwandan Genocide” tragedy….that should put all three in the dock at the UN-ICTR.

© Prof. Peter Erlinder, Wm. Mitchell College of Law, St. Paul , MN 55105 (651-290-6384) peter.erlinder@ wmitchell. edu . Past- President of the National Lawyers Guild and is Lead Defence Counsel for former Major Aloys Ntabakuze in the Military 1 Trial at the ICTR, the central case in the Tribunal. All of the documents and testimony referenced above are in the court record at the ICTR, except for the interview of Ambassador Brian Atwood, which occurred in December 2007 at his office at the University of Minnesota , Humphrey Institute.

The Economist , April, 2004

[2] Hartmann, Paix et chatiment: les guerres del la politique (2007 Flammarion, Paris)

[3] See Hourigan Affidavit and related documents in Miltary 1 record at the ICTR.

[4] See, UN documents in the Military 1 trial record at the ICTR.

[5] See ICTR Testimony of Ndagiyimana, November 2006, and related documents

[6] Interview with Dean Brian Atwood, Humphrey Institute, University of Minnesota , December 22, 2007.

[7] See Flaten ICTR testimony, July 2006.

[8] Interview with Robert Flaten in Arusha TZ, July 2006.

[9] See, April 1, 1994 Cable from U.S. Embassy in Kigali to Kampala Uganda in the ICTR Military 1 Trial Record.

[10] See ICTR Testimony of Gen. Romeo Dallaire and associated documents, January 2006.

Centre for Research on Globalization

Related articles:
Message to Kagame: Stop Dancing Puppet, We Can See Through Your Smoke and Mirrors

Rwandan Military Leaders Found Not-Guilty of Conspiracy and Genocide Planning

Rwanda: No Conspiracy, No Genocide Planning … No Genocide?

View from Rwanda: The Dallaire Genocide Fax: A Fabrication

Prof Peter Erlinder, He exposed how the UN protected Kagame

Prof Peter Erlinder, He exposed how the UN protected Kagame

As George Bush begins his much bally-hooed African safari, he has already begun to heap praise on Rwandan President Kagame as a “model for Africa .” But, recently issued French and Spanish international “war-crimes” warrants and new evidence at the UN Rwanda Tribunal have exposed Kagame as the war-criminal who actually touched-off the 1994 “Rwanda Genocide” by assassinating the previous President and who is benefiting from a decades-long U.S.-sponsored “cover-up” of Pentagon complicity in massacres committed by Kagame’s regime, which even Britain’s Economist has called “the most repressive in Africa.”

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Posted by rwandaonline on March 26, 2009


ICTR Prosecuter Mr. Hassan B.Jallow

ICTR Prosecuter Mr. Hassan B.Jallow

The ICC and ICTR were wrongly established to victimize Hutus and leaders from developing countries.

The criteria was not set up properly, much in the same fashion as the courts that tried Adolf Hitler and his accomplices during and after World War II.

The ICC’s area of jurisdiction was not properly elaborated from the beginning. To say the least, most of the problems in the developing countries are planned, hatched and executed from the Industrialized Nations, who also happened to be the former Colonial Powers in Africa and other areas of the world.

The real reason is that the Colonial Powers are today back pushing all the dirt on many African leaders. Just turn around and look at George Bush and Tony Blair; what they did to prop Ethiopian Prime Minister and election rigger Meles Zenawi and Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni, who has done the same. Then there are budding puppets like Morgan Tsvangirai in Zimbabwe.

The world saw Margaret Thatcher’s Son, Mark, when he was exposed as being involved in the coup plot against the president of Equatorial Guinea. His mother, the former British Prime Minister had to travel to South Africa to beg for his release.

Was it not humiliating that behind the scene there was help from those silent but powerful voices, without doubt including people like Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Nelson Mandela, and of course the Uganda-born Rt. Rev. Bishop Sentamu, who has become a British mouth piece, condemning Mugabe while nary a word against dictator Museveni.

It is always good and wiser to watch events unfolding with you’re side of the coin ready for analyses. A lamentation maintains that: who knows where the wind one sees blowing is coming from, and where it is going. That is why our traditional praise name is “Yamo Yeee,” because my clan believes in the work of God.

Bush, Blair, Museveni, Zenawi, Paul Kagame and their little nephew Laurent Nkunda should be arrested and sent to the Hague. Not al Bashir, the president of the Sudan, which is a sovereign state and member of the international community.

This ICC should be scrapped. The story of Animal Farm is very much in play in that so-called International Criminal Court where some world leaders have become more special than the rest. The same leaders do not have the moral right to determine the fate of the al Bashirs of the world while mass killers like Bush, Blair, Museveni, Kagame and Nkunda bask in sunshine.

To hell with this rubbish ICC tailored to try those who refuse to sell their mineral resources away to the West Masters.







Posted in Rwanda Politics | Leave a Comment »

Mapendo and UNHCR,Humanitarians or Kigali’s Witch-hunt Cohorts

Posted by rwandaonline on March 26, 2009

The Great Stratagem between Kigali, UNHCR, and MAPENDO INTERNATIONAL to export fake Banyamurenge refugees to USA continues.

This is one of Rwandan refugees living in Nairobi slums of Kawangware

This is one of Rwandan refugees living in Nairobi slums of Kawangware

There have been many stories and incidences whereby the various people wrote articles of how the Kigali government has bribed various humanitarian agencies or registered their own charitable organization in USA and UK to help and infiltrate bogus ‘Rwandan Refugees’ into these countries in order to carry out their evil activities. One of those articles that enlightened my mind and put me into the motion to leave the State and go and carry out my own research is the long articles published in a world’s most respected research website called Global Research. I found the article entitled “Psychological Warfare, Embedded Reporters and the Hunting of Rwandan Refugees: .




The writer starts talking about the uncovering the bogus refugees sent by Kigali government just to disturb and tarnish the name of the genuine Rwandan refugees, who are not from Kagame’s community. The writer explains the story of one of the Rwandan Intellectual Hutu Refugees harassed by a BBC news journalist Mr. Fergal Keane’s who has had a long relationship with RPF regime write from the time the planned to invade Rwanda to the time they killed the late President Habyalimana Juvenal on 6th April, 1994. He talks about the incident of Dr. Vincent Bajinya who happened to come from the same village as the late Habyalimana. I was touched by the action that Mr. Fergal bumped into Dr.Bajinya with a camera on where he started calling him names like a Genocidaire mastermind. This created a thirst in me to quench. As a doctorate student in History and politics here in United States, I decided to go back to Africa. I went back to Kenya a country I lived in since 1995 after fleeing Rwanda in the month of June probably a year after RPF took over from Habyalimana. I was 20 when I passed through Virunga forest after witnessing the brutal death of my elderly parents. I remember very well the day I went to collect my Identity Card at our district Office of Kinigi, Ruhengeri Province, I came back home but before I got home I met people waiting for me at Musanze Shoping Centre. They wanted to warn me not to go home because the RPF army had come home and killed everyone who was at home. They killed indiscriminately children, young people, and elderly like my father who was in his 86 and my mother who was in her 70s. I was the only child remained at home after Kagame took over Rwanda. My parents were very old they couldn’t flee with other people. I didn’t want to leave them though they wanted me to flee together with my elder brothers and their family, I felt a moral obligation to remain with them, and die with them. But on this very day, I found them dead as I had gone for my Identity Card.


When my neighbors saw me they warned me not to proceed. They rather advised me to go and hide myself in the Virunga forest and wait until the normalcy comes back. I took off to the bamboo forest where I spend the whole night and day walking under the bushes meeting human bones scattered all over.


I came to Kenya then later I met a Good Samaritan who took me to school in the United States. After reading that article I remembered the incidences which have been happening for some years now where the UNHCR in Kenya has been denying the Rwandan genuine refugees protection instead supporting those ones recommended by Kigali government. In 2001, Koffi Annan the then UN Secretary General came to Kenya to clean up the mess of corruption which had rooted in UNHCR administration. Many Hutu refugees were denied refugee status on the claim of genocide. Majority of these refugees who don’t have protection from UNHCR are women and children. They were denied protection on the ground that they are Hutus. The UNHCR has ignored its own reports published in 1995 and 2002 that are confirming that RPF was practicing extrajudicial killings and arbitrary arrest of Hutus across the country.


This move was manifested by the UNHCR campaigns that it took around the country mobilizing refugees from Great Lakes Region. This campaign was aimed at discouraging these refugees not to take the KENYA ALIEN CERTIFICATES being issued by the Kenyan Government after realizing that there have been many injustices practiced by UNHCR against the innocent Hutu refugees. When I was in Kenya carrying out my doctorate research among East-Central Refugees in Kenya, I saw a tag of war between UNHCR and Kenyan Commission on Refugees Affairs. The UNHCR pushed by Kigali government was crying foul that it was outraged by the fact that Kenya has recognized the Rwandan ‘Hutu’ refugees. In the statement posted in a Kenyan local newspaper called Nation, the UNHCR through its spokesperson Mr. Emmanuel Nyambera that it could not understand why the Kenyan Government has opted to give asylum to Hutu refugees instead of forcing them to return to Rwanda. This opened my eyes wider and it indicated to me that there is a group being oppressed by the body which is supposed to protect it just because of political reasons.


I took my initiative to look for where the offices of UNHCR are now because when I left 10 years ago the offices where somewhere in Hurlingham near yaya. I was told to take a taxi minibus no.23 usually called ‘Matatu’ by local people. I took the Uhuru Highway then landed into Waiyaki High Way. I alighted at Church Road junction. I took church road which is next to the Offices of All Africa Conference of Churches for those who know the place. I walked for around 200m then arrived at UNHCR. I found so many refugees from Burundi, DRC, Rwanda, Southern Sudan, Ethiopia, and Somalia, but majority of them were refugees from Great Lakes Region because Thursday is the day for those people from French Speaking countries. I entered as a New Refugee in order to learn what is going on inside their. I sat to see how the refugees are treated in Kenya compare to the time I was there late 1990s. I started talking in my mother tongue to the ladies who were sitting next to me. They replied. Usually people from Burundi, DRC, and Rwanda are social. We talked and talked then it was around 11am without any sign of calling anyone from our line. I was feeling already hungry because I had not had my breakfast. I wanted to behave the same way other refugees around behave and feel the way they are feeling because even me I passed through this before. I talked to them smiling asking them if we could go for lunch or soda at the kiosk inside the compound. They replied surprised worried that they couldn’t afford a soda bought from that Kiosk because it is double the normal cost. I offered to buy them. They reluctantly accepted then we went sharing. To my surprised I found another group speaking Kinyarwanda which is Rwandans mother-tongue, but this group was sitting in a separate pavilion which prompted me to ask. Then one of those three ladies we were together gestured to me then she laughed as she said to me “these are the chosen few by Mapendo.” I couldn’t get it well then I asked for more information, then the story began.


The lady who was talking to me was nicknamed after her latest boy. Mama Kibebi, meaning the mother of a baby. Mama Kibebi started telling me more about the ‘Chosen Few Group of Mapendo. To my surprise I found out that Mapendo is an International Charitable organization registered in USA Massachusetts. I came to learn a lot about the intrigues played in Africa by the humanitarian agencies such as UNHCR and Mapendo International. They explained to me and gave me a very long list of bogus refugees who have been leaving Rwanda in disguise of Banyamurenge (these are Tutsis from Eastern Congo) and report themselves  to UNHCR. The UNHCR sends them directly to Mapendo International offices which are along Chaka Road in Hurlingham. Then the latter organizes the process to resettle to the States without taking too long or even suffering in Nairobi. I asked them the reasons why they did not go to Mapendo for such kind of help. They looked at me then laughed at me asking “in this short period you have completely forgotten who you are.” Meaning that I have forgotten my Identity, the Identity of being a Hutu, a tribe that Kagame tarnished its image to make a living out it. Mama Kibebe continued explaining to me how she attempted to go to Mapendo for a medical assistance. She was asked first whether she is a Ttutsi or a Hutu.


When she was asked such question she wanted to lie because someone had warned her that if she is not a Tutsi she is not going to be helped. Actually her friends had advised her to masquerade her ethnicity and because of her sharp noise say that she is a Tutsi in order to get medical help through Mapendo. She laughed then she said, “Nashakaga kuvuga ko nd’Umututsi aliko nibuka ko isura atariyo jye,ahubwo njye n’amaraso ya data na mama (I wanted to lie that I am a Tutsi, as she was laughing, but I remembered that what makes me not the look but my mother’s and father’s blood, that is my true identity). I went ahead and said who I truly am. “A Hutu”, I replied. Then I was referred to Kenyatta National Hospital, which is a public hospital. I left laughing inside my heart because I was given an answer I was expecting all along. When we finished our Sodas we went back to sit on the benches. We waited to be called. Majority of the refugees I talked to they did not have legal documents except the Alien Card that the wonderful Kenya Government gave them as they put it in their own words. “Imana irengera ibishwi nimisega nt’ihumbya (it is a Kinyarwanda saying literally meaning that the God who protects sparrows never winks, he is always there with a watching eye). Among the people I contacted they told me that Kagame sends his men to USA through Mapendo and UNHCR to ensure that they get resettlement as refugees but still on his mission as investigators and spies for Kagame’s regime. These people go back to Rwanda using Uganda as their transition where they leave their UNHCR or USA travel documents then they take Rwanda pass to cross over as Rwandans.


As I continued to look for more information to cover my research on the life of the refugees from Great Lakes Region, I was taken around Nairobi suburbs to be shown the houses where the refugees from Rwanda stay on their transit to USA as Mapendo process their dossiers. Some of those areas where these ‘Chosen Few Mapendo Group’ stay are Pangani, Umoja, Ngumo, and Eastleigh. Mama Kibebe continued telling me that these bogus refugees have their ‘password’ they use in order to be identified with Mapendo and UNHCR as people who are on the transit, if you don’t know the password, you are not among this chosen few mapendo group. Your case is rejected instantly.

I continued meeting with refugees from Rwanda who have various problems. Some of them have opted to collect scrap metals from the garbage around the slums of Kangemi, Kawangware, Mathare and so on in order to earn ends meet for their small kids. Many of these women are widows because maybe they got separated with their husbands during the times when RPF was hunting Hutu refugees in DRC, or the time when Tanzania chased away the Hutu refugees, or others died because of not finding medication since UNHCR had denied them the legal documents in order to have access to their basic human rights. This was done as a plan for UNHCR to force them to go back to Rwanda since there were claims that Rwanda bribed the UNHCR administration in order not to allow any Hutu intellectual gets access to the UNHCR assistance.


This is seen in the statistics of a minimal number of Hutu refugees who have been given resettlement through Nairobi UNHCR, many Hutu Refugees in Nairobi have been rejected, and a good number is for those thought to be educated and more knowledgeable, they are rejected after their first introduction, even that molecule number of Hutu refugees who might have been given resettlement to the third country, are those families whom they think they have not gone to school. While the resettlement process for the Rwandan genuine refugees takes from 5 years to ten years, from the day that a refugee application is accepted, for this Rwando-Banyamurenge, through Mapendo International, it is a different thing. It just takes 1 to 3 months then you are in the United States.


After my research, I thanked God who directed me to Africa because I managed to deeply understand the suffering my people are undergoing. I fully discovered the ways that some people benefit from the sufferings of their brothers without taking into consideration that all of us are human beings with the same ambitions, and feelings. That one should know that the same way you need to have a chance in life; you should also give me chance without compromising my rights and judging me based on the prejudices of the world full of evil minded people who were created to make other people’s lives miserable. This showed me and convinced me that there is a group about to extinguish, a group that has endured the world’s insult, oppression, and harassment from all angles of life. The group that has been branded “Genocidaires” simply to isolate their feelings and hide them behind the crimes they didn’t commit while the masterminds are free and liberal to access any world’s opportunities at the expenses of our anguish. Whatever the case, which ever the time and means. Mapendo International and UNHCR Nairobi should understand that whever these Hutu refugees get opportunity to go out of Nairobi; other people do treat them in more humane way. No discrimination at all. They are viewed as Rwanda refugees not like you are a Hutu or Tutsi you deserve this but not that. Please try and become the agents of reconciliation in Rwanda not a widening gap tool in disguise.


For so many years western humanitarian agencies and UN body in particular have played a major role in disintegrating Rwandan communities. The UNHCR has been a major tool to widen up the gap between Hutus and Tutsis especially when it comes to the matters of humanitarian assistance in the countries of East and Central Africa region where the Kigali government has a bigger say. When one flees Rwanda to a neighboring country such as Uganda, Burundi, Tanzania, and Kenya the UNHCR staff they compete to know what tribe one comes from. After establishing this then they go through the process of either accepting you as a qualified refugee or they reject your case. But when it is established that one is a Hutu from either Rwanda or Eastern DRC it is enough premise to reject his or her case. When you are a Tutsi refugee or Munyamurenge refugee (a Tutsi from DRC) the chances are very high to be accepted by UNHCR and be given a resettlement through Mapendo International. The good examples are those of some Rwandan refugees who chose to deny their original tribes and opted to argue their refugee cases as Tutsi or Banyamurenge refugees and their cases where easily accepted. Those who managed to change their tribal identity are in many cases ladies because they generally have sharp noses and it is easy to disguise as Tutsis. Kamurangwa is one of those people who managed to get resettlement to one of the western countries through this way of changing identity in 2005 after discovering that the UNHCR and Mapendo have a deal to only assist refuges from one community and leave other community to suffer. She strongly believe that if she had argued her case as a Hutu refugee woman, she couldn’t have succeeded since all members of her family who went for the interview with UNHCR in 2004 and presented themselves as Hutu refugees their case was rejected including her 12 and 14 years old children who went for the interview together with their father Mr.Ambroise. Kamurangwa is one of those many Hutu refugees harassed and discriminated by UNHCR in Nairobi and Mapendo International.


Actually 90% of all Hutu refugees cases presented to Mapendo International and UNHCR Nairobi were rejected. Most of these people went for only one or two interviews. Kamurangwa not the really name, have been looking for the reunion with her husband and children through the UNHCR but it has proved futile because according to her the UNHCR and other Humanitarian agencies in charge of assisting refugees are biased in their humanitarian activities delivery. Once again many people have been brutalized or segregated by some humanitarian agencies in the countries neighboring Rwanda especially those who are living in Kenya.


As I said in this article here above, 80% of Hutu refugees living in Kenya do not have UNHCR protection. Their cases have been rejected in order to make their living in Kenya miserable, which according to UNHCR perception and mission could have helped it to forcible return the rejected refugees to go back to Rwanda dejected. The refugees returned to Rwanda after all these years in exile, they are channeled to “rehabilitation centres to brainwash them or to Gacaca the legendary traditional courts tailored to try even those who fled when Kagame was taking over in 1994 and RPF couldn’t arbitrary arrest them during those days. The Gacaca courts are designed to siphon all young promising Hutus who were still kids when Kagame got power in 1994 after shooting down a presidential plane which was carrying the two Hutu presidents Habyalimana Juvenal of Rwanda and Ntaryamira Cyprien of Burundi. Gacaca legalize the arrest since it involves the terrorized people who claim to be witnesses. The government sends military patrol to the villages where the Gacaca courts are going to take place the next day. The military terrorize the villagers asking them to prove the accused guilt. The older people are accused of having participated in genocide whereas the youngsters are accused of propagating Genocide Ideology. The both crimes bear the same capital punishment. It is hard to prove not guilt in that country. Where the justice takes place based on your tribal background not on the crime committed. This makes people look desperate because they know that even if they flee the country there is no where to go. They cannot go to Uganda because the people who rule in Rwanda are the same people who are ruling in Uganda, the same in Burundi.


They cannot go to Tanzania since Tanzania supported the RPF administration during the 1990s peace negotiations, during the planning of Habyalimana’s murder in April 1994 when his plane was shot down, the establishment of a biased International Tribunal Court on Rwanda ICTR, as it was published by an Australian investigator Michael Hourigan  the only country which is a bit nearer they can run to is Kenya but the Kigali government managed to set up hurdles through UNHCR and Mapendo International where nepotism has played a major role in giving UN protection mandates or resettling those who are in eminent danger and health problems. During my stay in Kenya I tried to contact Mr. Emmanuel Nyabera and Mapendo staff Coltilda didn’t succeed. Whatever happened I was encouraged to write this article by a story of a young girl in High School who wrote in one of the USA Universities online journals.


She started describing her ordeal as a Hutu refugee in DR Congo and in Kenya as well. She did not leave out her experience in the United States. Her story entitled: A Tale of Atrocity, Nightmare and Hope: Once Upon a Time in Rwanda was published by Dayton University website When I came back to the States I tried to contact the Mapendo International Offices through email. I wanted to ask them whether the information collected around Nairobi during my doctorate research had some facts and whether they were willing to give all the refugees the equal rights. They replied to one of the emails in these words: “

Thank you for writing to Mapendo and raising your concerns with us. It is unfortunate that you have the perception of Mapendo that you do. Indeed, our services are offered in a completely non-discriminating way. It is unfortunate that some have drawn other conclusions. We cannot respond to the specific charges you mention as we find no factual basis for them. A few points that we will make however are:

1. The demand for our services in Nairobi is much greater than we can supply. We are a small, new NGO trying quickly to build and enhance our programs. There are around 150,000 urban refugees in Nairobi. It is clear that we cannot help everybody and must necessarily apply criteria to determine whom we can assist. The criteria are entirely based on the level of need; there are no ethnic criteria or standard ever applied by Mapendo.

2. We are funded 100% by donations from private individuals. We receive no government funding and therefore your taxes do not pay for our programs. That does not mean, however, that we do not feel accountable to our clients and our donors. We certainly do.

Again, thank you for your feedback. We will continue to strive to assist the most at-risk and vulnerable refugees as much as possible.

Best regards,
Mapendo International


I hope the world is going to understand that many organizations have fallen prey to Kagame’s tactics of divide and rule. Where they use the genocide and tribal card to isolate one community and enrich another at the expense of others.


The west should stop victimizing innocent refugee kids and women who have nothing to do with the past. if there is anyone to ask what caused the genocide in Rwanda he/she should ask Kagame and his cohorts and stop a blame game and witch hunt. Ban Ki Moon should beware of the trap that Koffi Annan slid in which victimized all Rwandan refugees from Hutu community. He continued supporting the Kagame’s game of hunting all intellectual Hutus in the name of genocide. I am 25 now but I am still regarded by Kigali as Interahamwe. whereas the genocide happened when I was 10. How could I have participated in killing people and yet I did not yet know my basic human rights? I was in standard 3, if I am Interahamwe then Interahamwe is a connotation of  a Hutu. Hutus in Eastern Congo have been caught up betwen CNDP of Nkunda and RPA Kagame’s army. The UN ha kept murm about it, so who is going to protect them from the onslaught of Kigali?I learnt that when Hutus from Masisi come to Nairobi to look for asylum, and they say they are Hutus, the UNHCR AND Mapendo Int’l reject them immediately claimimg that they are Interahamwe. So if they are interahamwe, why the Banyamurenge who are destabilizing Kivu region are being resettled to the States without seeing them as Tutsis of Kagame?



Posted in Rwanda Politics, Rwandan Refugees | 3 Comments »

Kagame and His Cronies Regime Should Get Ready for Trial

Posted by rwandaonline on March 25, 2009

The Darker Side of RPF Regime is Nocking the Doors of Hell

The RPF Commander Mr.Paul Kagame

The RPF Commander Mr.Paul Kagame

This shiny surface, however, hides a gloomy reality, with Kagame accused of war crimes committed before and during the 1994 genocide, denying political and press freedom in Rwanda subtly recomposing the old power-structure in favor of the Tutsi ethnic group.




One of the most notorious accusations against Kagame has come from French judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere, who investigated the 6 April 1994 plane crash that killed then-Rwandan president Juvénal Habyarimana, then Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira and three French nationals.

Bruguiere’s investigation concluded that the aircraft was shot down on orders from Kagame himself. Not only has Kagame denied all accusations but has even argued that France directly participated in the genocide that followed the assassinations. Since then, diplomatic relations between the two counties have been frozen.

According to many observers, understanding who was behind the incident is a fundamental step for reconciliation in Rwanda, not only because important political figures were killed, but also because the massacre of the Tutsis began only hours after the news of the accident was broadcast on the radio. The plane crash, therefore, played a direct role in provoking the genocide: Whoever ordered the shooting carries an enormous responsibility.

Kagame is also accused of denying political and press freedom in Rwanda. According to the Economist , “He allows less political space and press freedom at home than Robert Mugabe does in Zimbabwe.”

“There is no press freedom in Rwanda,” Timothy Spence, press and communication manager of the International Press Institute (IPI), told ISN Security Watch.

“Over the past few years, journalists have continuously been arrested and harassed because they are accused of fuelling the genocide ideology […]. But these allegations are often used as a strategy to repress all criticism.”

After the genocide, in fact, Kagame outlawed the practice of differentiating between Hutus and Tutsis in order to promote reconciliation and unity among Rwandans. 

“There are tremendously good things happening in Rwanda, but much more could happen if these restrictions and subtle intimidations against journalists came to an end,” said Spence.

The subject of ethnicity has become very contradictory in the past years, considering that even though Kagame condemns all talks about Hutu and Tutsi groups, the ruling RFP party has a clear ethnic connotation (Tutsi) and the large majority of government positions were given to members of the Tutsi ethnical group.

The most outspoken critic of Kagame is Paul Rusesabagina, a Hutu who became famous for saving over 1,000 Tutsis during the genocide and inspiring the movie “Hotel Rwanda.” He now lives in Belgium.

In his autobiography “An Ordinary Man,” he made serious accusations against Kagame, stating that:

“Rwanda is today a nation governed by and for the benefit of a small group of elite Tutsis […] Those few Hutus who have been elevated to high-ranking posts are usually empty suits without any real authority of their own. They are known locally as Hutus de service or Hutus for hire.”

Kagame’s repression of political opposition came in a very subtle but effective way, by denying rights to launch political campaigns or to organize meetings and political events.

In fact, Kagame’s coalition made huge gains in the 2003 presidential election and the 2008 Chamber of Deputies election (95 percent and 79 percent, respectively), but both were characterized by thelack of credible opposition parties.

Uncertain Future

Kagame’s seven-year term will end in September 2010.

At the moment, Kagame’s rule stands on solid ground due to a fast-improving economy, but there are concerns that if he does not tackle Rwanda’s political imbalances, the country will fall back into ethnic tension and violence.

There are many examples of strong African leaders who have promoted economic and social reforms in their initial periods while neglecting the freedom of political opposition. Eventually they failed. Mugabe in Zimbabwe is one case in point.

Although Rwanda has proven itself an exception, the question that will surround the next elections is the most classic African dilemma: Is Rwanda ready to combine economic growth with a fully functioning multi-party democracy?

Edoardo Totolo is a freelance writer and academic researcher based in Amsterdam. His fields of expertise are private sector development and the impact of informal economies on human security in Sub-Saharan Africa.



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